Khosrow Behdin: In mid-Esfand last year, the Iranian Zoroastrian community bid farewell to its last religious elite, Mobed Mehraban Firoozgari. In 1401, the Amordad Weekly honored his legacy with a commemorative ceremony during the Shahrivargan celebration at Khosravi Hall. While the large turnout at his funeral ceremonies was a testament to the community’s deep respect for him, it is the study of his ideas and actions that holds valuable lessons for the future of Iran’s Zoroastrian community.
For the past twenty-five years, late Esfand has also marked the anniversary of Mobed Rostam Shahzadi’s passing—a figure recognized as one of the most influential religious elites of the Iranian Zoroastrian community. However, last year, on the anniversary of his death, Zoroastrian publications and websites paid notably less tribute to him than in previous years.
Of course, neither Mobed Shahzadi’s noble soul nor his family requires commemorations. Instead, it is the Zoroastrian community that must reflect on his works and contributions to ensure its own continuity and resilience.
Mobed Rostam Shahzadi played a vital role in uniting and distinguishing the Iranian Zoroastrian community, particularly during the turbulent early years following the revolution. His influence was undeniable, as he was instrumental in securing the approval of Iran’s tricolor flag—green, white, and red—during the Assembly of Experts for the Constitution.
During the birthday celebration of Ashu Zartosht, the newly elected representative of the Zoroastrians in the Islamic Consultative Assembly emphasized their role in overseeing the community at a broader level.
For many years, the Zoroastrian community has viewed its parliamentary representative and the head of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association as the two key figures responsible for managing the community at a macro level.
An analysis of these two leadership roles shows that the presence of Zoroastrian clergy in high-level governance has been minimal. In fact, the only time a member of the clergy secured a seat in Parliament was during the Seventh Assembly.
Although in the Sixth Assembly elections for the Zoroastrian constituency, two clergy members entered the race, neither was able to win a seat or pose a significant challenge to the victorious candidate.
The Seventh Assembly elections saw a similar scenario, with two Zoroastrian clergy members competing once again. However, this time, the outcome was entirely different—one of them succeeded in winning the seat, marking the first and, so far, only instance of a Zoroastrian clergyman securing the community’s parliamentary position.
In the Seventh Assembly, the Iranian Zoroastrian community opted for a political-religious approach, experiencing four years under this perspective. The late Mobed Kourosh Niknam remains the only Zoroastrian clergyman to have held a leadership position at the highest level within the community.
Although he emerged as the leading candidate in a fiercely contested election, he secured only 34% of the Zoroastrian vote—a lower percentage compared to other Zoroastrian representatives elected before and after him. Nevertheless, his victory was remarkable in its own way.
Despite having no prior experience as a parliamentary representative or even as a member of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association, he managed to overcome two strong competitors. One had previously held both key leadership roles in the community—as the Zoroastrian representative in Parliament and as the head of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association. The other had an extensive background, with three terms as a member of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association and one term as the Zoroastrian representative in Parliament, during which the law on equal blood money (diya) for non-Muslims and Muslims was passed.
The Seventh Assembly elections took place just two months after this law—following two years of intense debate in the Islamic Consultative Assembly—was finally ratified by the Expediency Discernment Council.
This could have been a major success and a strong promotional advantage for the Zoroastrian representative in the Sixth Assembly—who was also a candidate in the Seventh Assembly elections. However, none of these factors deterred the Zoroastrians from opting for a political-religious approach in the Seventh Assembly elections.
Meanwhile, the presidency of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association—another key pillar of leadership at the highest level—has never been held by a member of the Zoroastrian clergy.
Although in the elections for cycles 40, 42, and 43 of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association, the top-voted candidates came from the clergy, and all three later ran for the presidency in their respective terms, each was ultimately defeated by strong competitors. As a result, none succeeded in securing this influential leadership position.
With the elections for the 46th cycle of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association approaching, the question arises: will a Zoroastrian cleric, for the first time, assume the powerful role of association president?
